Ramakrishna’s Impact on Contemporary Indian Society
nineteenth century was for India a period of great expansion
of British imperialism vis-a-vis Indian nationalism. The East
India Company’s rule was consolidated into the administration
of the British Raj. Side by side, different socio-religious
and cultural movements were initiated by different personalities
in various parts of the country with the search for national
identity as their fundamental aim. The inherent conflict between
British interests and Indian aspirations was kept concealed
for some time, but since the seventies of the nineteenth century
Indian nationalism became self-conscious and assertive. Numerous
factors, big and small, led to the flowering of these self-conscious
nationalist sentiments. The Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Movement
with its seat in Bengal constituted a major factor towards
on Spiritual Humanism
central figure of the Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Movement was
Sri Ramakrishna himself, who was an original man with complete
Self-realization. He became a symbol of the national soul.
He was accepted as one of the prophets of the new age, not
because of his acceptance of the principal tenets of traditional
Hinduism (implying worship of God in various forms and through
images) and the Hindu way of life, but because of the comprehensiveness
of his vision and the largeness of his spirit. His ardent
belief in the validity of all faiths and his stress on spiritual
humanism, as distinct from modern secular humanism, fitted
well with the search for identity of the Indian self.
on Noted Contemporaries
Ramakrishna’s inner spirituality and utter simplicity cast
a magnetic spell on persons who came into close contact with
him. Even Bhairavi Brahmani and Tota Puri, his two gurus,
were profoundly struck by Ramakrishna’s depth of realization.
It was Bhairavi who first openly declared that Sri Ramakrishna
was an incarnation of God. (1) The Vaishnava leader Vaishnavacharan
and the Tantric scholar Pandit Gaurikanta Tarkabhushan heartily
endorsed her view. (2) Gaurikanta came to Dakshineswar in
1870 to obtain his spiritual guidance. Pandit Narayan Shastri,
an orthodox Vedantic scholar, took sannyasa from Ramakrishna
and spread the latter’s name in his homeland in Rajputana.
Pandit Padmalochan Tarkalankar, the chief pundit at the court
of the Maharaja of Burdwan, came to revere Ramakrishna as
God-incarnate. Krishna Kishore, an ardent devotee of Rama
hailing from Ariadaha, was benefited by Ramakrishna’s spiritual
guidance. Two Tantric sadhakas, Chandra and Girija, coming
from East Bengal, received spiritual encouragement from the
saint. (83-4) Even Tota Puri’s vision of the ultimate Reality
was changed to some extent under Ramakrishna’s influence.
(88-9) During this period Ramakrishna also met, among others,
Dayananda Sarasvati of the Arya Samaj and Bhagavandas Babaji,
the great Vaishnava saint of Kalna. (3)
Influence that Triggered Swami Vivekananda’s Arrival
Ramakrishna’s fame as a man of God spread first among the
traditional scholars and religious preachers. In course of
a few years he began to attract the attention of the English-educated
classes of Bengal, and even of the Europeans residing in this
country. Among the latter may be counted Principal W W Hastie
of the General Assembly’s Institution (now Scottish Church
College), Calcutta. In course of explaining the word ‘trance’
contained in a poem by Wordsworth, Hastie told his students
that if they wanted to know the real meaning of it, they might
go to Ramakrishna of Dakshineswar. This prompted some of his
students, including Narendranath Datta (later Swami Vivekananda),
to go to Dakshineswar in search of the saint. (4) Hastie thus
helped a lot in focusing the attention of the educated youths
of Bengal on Ramakrishna.
on the Brahmos
important was the role of the outstanding Brahmo leader Keshab
Chandra Sen. In fact, Keshab and, following him, other Brahmos
publicized Ramakrishna before the larger public of Bengal
through their speeches and writings. The discovery of Ramakrishna
was one of the greatest gifts of the Brahmos to the Bengali
intelligentsia of the nineteenth century. Ironically enough,
many Brahmos in subsequent times dubbed Ramakrishna as a protagonist
of Hindu religious orthodoxy, which, in fact, he was not.
on Keshab Chandra Sen
his very first meeting with Ramakrishna on 15 March 1875,
Keshab Chandra Sen was literally spellbound by the simplicity
and depth of the saint. He recorded his experience as follows:
‘We met one (a sincere Hindu devotee) not long ago, and were
charmed by the depth, penetration and simplicity of his spirit.’
He admitted further, ‘Hinduism must have in it a deep sense
of beauty, truth and goodness to inspire such men as these.’
(5) At a time when the Westernized and rational Brahmos cut
themselves off from Hindu moorings, such admiring comments
about Ramakrishna from one of their topmost leaders proved
to be a turning point in Bengal’s socio-religious life.
himself was deeply influenced by Ramakrishna. His autobiography
Jivanveda, Trailokyanath Sanyal’s biography Keshabcharit
(1885) and Pratap Chandra Mozoomdar’s Life and Teachings
of Keshub Chander Sen (1887) corroborate this point. Mozoomdar,
a close associate of Keshab, wrote that Ramakrishna had ‘a
powerful effect upon Keshub’s catholic mind’. (6) Through
mental anguish and sufferings following the Cooch Behar marriage,
Keshab spontaneously accepted the Motherhood of God. Mozoomdar
further wrote, ‘And now the sympathy, friendship, and example
of Paramahamsa converted the Motherhood of God into a subject
of special culture with him. The greater part of year 1879
witnessed the development.’ (7) It became altogether a new
feature of the revival which Keshab was bringing about in
the Brahmo Samaj.
Brahmo stalwart, Vijaykrishna Goswami, admitted that, inspired
by the Paramahamsa, Keshab started to cook his food himself
and tried to instil the spirit of renunciation into the Samaj.
was the first person to compile and publish Ramakrishna’s
teachings entitled Paramahamser Ukti in Bengali in
1878. Within a few years there took place a transformation
of his mental attitude. The rationalist leader was caught
by a devotional spirit. He built up before long the Church
of New Dispensation, or Navavidhan (25 January 1880), depending
on the worship of the Motherhood of God, (9) unity of religions
and assimilation of Hindu polytheism into Brahmoism.
this connection we may note a fundamental difference between
Keshab and Ramakrishna, as pointed out by Brajendranath Seal
during a session of the Calcutta Parliament of Religions (1937):
‘While Keshab’s Navavidhan implied eclecticism or synthesis,
Ramakrishna’s system was based on syncretism.’ (10)
Devi, the Maharani of Cooch Behar, acknowledged Ramakrishna’s
great influence on her father Keshab while talking to Francis
Younghusband, who, during the celebrations of Ramakrishna’s
birth centenary in Gloucesterplace, England, on 27 March 1936,
drove home this point to the audience as chairman of the meeting.
(11) Even Keshab’s mother frequently went to Dakshineswar.
on Other Brahmos
Keshab, other Brahmos also started to admire Ramakrishna,
propagate his ideals and reorient their socio-religious outlook.
Mozoomdar wrote the first English biography of Ramakrishna,
entitled ‘The Hindu Saint’ and published in the Theistic
Quarterly Review in 1879 (later published in book form
entitled Paramahamsa Ramakrishna). This biography played
a vital role in introducing Ramakrishna to Westerners like
the celebrated German indologist Max Muller.
Goswami’s shift towards Vaishnavism was to a large extent
due to the influence of Ramakrishna, whom he held in the highest
regard. (13) Shivanath Shastri was influenced very much by
Ramakrishna’s universalism in religion. (14) Girishchandra
Sen wrote two books on him entitled Paramahamser Ukti
and Sankshipta Jivani.
Spread Ramakrishna’s Message
shows that many Brahmos not only became Ramakrishna’s admirers,
but also proclaimed his message to the educated public of
Bengal through their speeches and writings since 1875. In
this connection the reports published in the Indian Mirror,
Sunday Mirror, New Dispensation, Dharmatattwa, Sulabh Samachar,
Paricharike and others deserve special mention. (15) The
Indian Mirror of 11 December 1881 reported that Paramahamsadeva
was spreading ‘Love’ and ‘Devotion’ among the educated classes
of Calcutta. (16) In its issue of 19 August 1886, the paper
reported that Ramakrishna had succeeded in reforming the character
of some youths whose morals had been corrupt. Graduates and
undergraduates of the University of Calcutta vied with one
another in becoming his followers, and some of them had already
renounced the world and become ascetics. (17) While this statement
contains much truth, the formal acceptance of sannyasa
by Ramakrishna’s disciples took place not during his lifetime
but after his death, under the leadership of Narendranath.
The Dharmatattwa of 31 August 1886 recorded that more
than one hundred people, including some prominent Brahmos,
had participated in the cremation ceremony of Ramakrishna
at Baranagore. It also recorded that a special ceremony had
been held at the Navavidhan temple in his honour on the fourth
day after the cremation (20 August 1886). (18) Many of his
followers, both monastic and lay, had been Brahmos or even
atheists in their early life. Documents are numerous to prove
that in course of a few years (1875-86) Ramakrishna’s impact
rapidly spread among the elite of Calcutta and its suburbs.
The Englishman, an organ of the Anglo-Indian community,
also observed in its issue of 20 August 1886, ‘The late Paramahamsa
was held in the highest respect by all sections of the Hindu
community. The educated Hindus appreciated his teachings highly,
and among his followers were many graduates and undergraduates
of the University.’ (19) Men and women of different castes,
creeds and classes visited Ramakrishna and sat spellbound
before him for hours together, listening to his words with
rapt attention. Religious talks and discussions took place
and devotional songs were sung in many households centring
round him. (20) Ramakrishna on his part was also curious to
meet prominent personalities of the time (21) and to see objects
of interest personally.
on the Elite of Calcutta
is interesting to speculate why, since 1875, the educated
bhadralok (gentlemen) of Bengal started to cluster
round Sri Ramakrishna, who was so much different from them
in his education, culture and way of living. Ramakrishna did
not have formal Western or even oriental education. He had
a bare knowledge of the three ‘Rs and with some difficulty
could sign his name as ‘Ramakesto’. (22) He was almost a rustic.
Second, Ramakrishna was not a traditional monk. He never used
saffron robes or followed monastic rules as laid down in the
shastras. In fact, he was a married man living with his wife.
His lifestyle was simple, but not, strictly speaking, monastic.
As recorded by one of his intimate householder disciples,
Mahendranath Gupta, popularly known as M or Master Mahashaya,
Ramakrishna wore a white dhoti with a red border, used polished
slippers and hookahs and slept in a cot under a mosquito net.
(23) Third, the Bengali language he used was neither Sanskritized
nor anglicized. It was instead very close to the language
of a Bengali peasant. In appearance and ordinary conversation
he was a humble and unsophisticated villager. A contemporary
document describes him as ‘the commonest of the common. He
came from the people, he smelt of the earth, and he talked
like the peasant.’ (24) His cultural world was pastoral. Socially,
however, he came from the highest caste (brahmin) of Bengal.
these limitations (if they are limitations at all), Ramakrishna
was able to attract the elite of Calcutta and its suburbs
by his magnetic spiritual personality. As Mahatma Gandhi observed,
the story of Ramakrishna’s life was ‘a story of religion in
practice’. (25) His complete identification of words with
deeds, his profoundly spiritual living and remarkable ability
of expressing the highest philosophical thoughts in plain
and simple words - all this cast a magnetic spell on all who
came into contact with him. He was able to attract the attention
of the new generation that was growing up in Bengal in a patriotic
and nationalistic climate generated in the 1870s by the writings
of Bankimchandra Chatterjee and the orations of Surendranath
Banerjee. Keshab Chandra Sen, who had been the idol of Bengali
youth in the sixties of the nineteenth century, was outshone
by Bankim and Surendranath in the seventies and eighties.
It was an age when the spirit of nationalism was growing,
and the anglicized babu was no longer an object of veneration
in the imagination of the educated people. The youthful generation
of Bengal in and around Calcutta, already conscious of their
dignity as a part of the Indian nation, did not find an echo
of their heart in Brahmoism or Christianity. They turned to
Ramakrishna, the protagonist of Neo-Hinduism, as the messiah
of the new age. Ramakrishna was not an exponent of orthodox
Hinduism, but infused into it a new element of toleration
and social service, liberalism and dynamism. He asked his
disciples not to stand in isolation from the rest of the world,
but to live in it and render selfless service to suffering
humanity in a spirit of God worship.
the Sophisticated Were Not Excepted
some elite of this age experienced an inner conflict between
their own outlook and beliefs and Ramakrishna’s life and teachings.
Their fascination for monotheism, Westernization and intellectualism
could not be easily adjusted with the traditional Hindu beliefs
of Ramakrishna, who had no educational, urban or social sophistication.
Yet they could not help being enchanted by the saint of Dakshineswar.
This feeling was beautifully expressed by Pratap Chandra Mozoomdar,
who wrote, in 1879, in The Theistic Quarterly Review:
My mind is still floating in the luminous atmosphere which
that wonderful man diffuses around him whenever and wherever
he goes. My mind is not yet disenchanted of the mysterious
and indefinable pathos which he pours into it whenever he
meets me. What is there common between him and me? I, a
Europeanised, civilized, self-centred, semi-sceptical so-called
educated reasoner, and he, a poor, illiterate, shrunken,
unpolished, diseased, halfdressed, half-idolaltrous, friendless
Hindu devotee? Why should I sit long hours to attend to
him, I who have listened to Disraeli and Fawcett, Stanley
and Max Mueller, and a whole host of European scholars and
divines? I who am an ardent disciple and follower of Christ,
a friend and admirer of liberal-minded Christian missionaries
and preachers, a devoted adherent and worker of the rationalistic
Brahma-Samaj - why should I be spellbound to hear him? And
it is not only I, but dozens like me who do the same. He
has been interviewed and examined by many, crowds pour in
to visit and talk with him. Some of our clever intellectual
fools have found nothing in him, some of the contemptuous
Christian missionaries would call him an impostor, or a
self-deluded enthusiast. I have weighed their objections
well, and what I write now I write deliberately. (26)
reaction to Ramakrishna was not always pleasant. Upadhyay
Brahmabandhab was originally a critic of Ramakrishna and
refused to recognize him as an avatara. (27) Another contemporary
scholar described Ramakrishna as
illiterate priest, crude, raw, unmodern and the commonest
of the common. … He respected women, in the only way open
to Indians, by calling them ‘mother’, and avoiding them.
He would not perform the daily rituals. He would allow non-Brahmins
to be initiated. … Yet, and this is the tragedy of the situation,
with all the help of the dynamic personality of Swami Vivekananda,
Paramahamsa Deb’s influence has not succeeded in shaking
our social foundations. A number of people have been inspired,
no doubt, but the masses have not trembled in their sleep.
of His Disciples and Admirers
analysis of the class composition of the early admirers and
followers of Ramakrishna reveals that most of them came from
the Western-educated middle class of the Bengali society,
Latu (later Swami Adbhutananda) or Rasik Hadi being exceptions.
Many of them had some Christian or Brahmo leanings before
their meetings with Ramakrishna, and a few were sceptics or
even atheists. Brahmo leaders like Keshab Sen, Pratap Mozoomdar
and Vijay Goswami belonged to this class. Most of his monastic
disciples (29) also came from this class. While Vivekananda
and Saradananda had Western education, urban sophistication
and a Brahmo background, Shivananda, Premananda and Ramakrishnananda
came from non-metropolitan areas, representing a traditional
Hindu background, education and culture. Some of the monastic
disciples were more educated and affluent than others. Four
were married, while the rest were unmarried. A striking exception
was Adbhutananda, who was an illiterate Bihari coming from
the grass-roots level.
the non-monastic disciples of Ramakrishna the majority belonged
to the educated middle class, but exceptions were also there.
A wider degree of variation may be noticed in their social
background, family status, economic condition, cultural outlook
and religious attitude. There were writers like Girishchandra
Ghosh and Nagendranath Gupta, zamindars like Rani Rasmani
and Balaram Bose, publishers like Upendranath Mukherjee and
Haramohan Mitra, scientists like Ramchandra Datta, officers
like Purnachandra Ghosh and teachers like Mahendranath Gupta.
There were big zamindars like Mathuranath Biswas, petty clerks
like Prankrishna Mukherjee, actresses like Binodini and sweepers
like Rasik Hadi. Their religious mentality ranged from scepticism
(as in the case of Girish Ghosh) to intense piety and devotion
(an in the case of Durgacharan Nag). They came from diverse
castes such as brahmin, vaidya, kayastha, subarnabanik,
mahisya and even the so-called untouchable castes. (30)
They were mostly educated, but some were illiterate. Among
the women devotees there were educated nuns like Gauri Ma,
childless widows like Golap Ma and Gopaler Ma, and actresses
like Binodini. Captain Viswanath Upadhyay, one of Ramakrishna’s
householder disciples, was a Nepalese and had served in the
army. (31) The Rajasthani philosopher Narayan Shastri took
sannyasa from Ramakrishna in 1875. Lakshminarayan was a wealthy
Marwari devotee and Hirananda a Sindhi graduate. (32)
the majority of devotees and admirers of Ramakrishna came
from an educated Bengali middle-class background with roots
in Calcutta. But this does not mean that his influence was
confined to them. Even during his lifetime (1836-86) his ideas
and influence spread beyond the intelligentsia to other sections
of the Bengali society including the Bauls and the Kartabhajas.
(33) His name even crossed the boundaries of Bengal. During
his lifetime, however, there was little of a movement. The
only tangible advance was the foundation of the Ramakrishna
Order in an embryonic form by the Master himself during his
last illness (1885-86). (34)
Realistic Appraisal of Sri Ramakrishna
Sumit Sarkar’s assertion that ‘the world of his devotees had
a lower middle-class, indeed clerical, ambience’, (35) that
the outer resentment of the devotees ‘had been sublimated
through a religion of inner devotion and social passivity’,
(108) and that Ramakrishna ‘helped hierarchy and oppression
to endure by making them appear less unendurable’ (114) are
too superficial generalizations to require any serious notice.
Such charges cannot be substantiated. Dr Sarkar’s assertion
that tensions in gender relations within the household drove
men and women paradoxically to Ramakrishna as an alternative
is also false and misleading. Neither did Ramakrishna’s devotees
show any frustration in excess of what is common with the
average man, nor did Ramakrishna ever preach any social passivism
and escapism. (36) He always stressed activism, spiritual
and social. He was a spiritual guide not only to monks but
also to householders. He represented in a sense the old India,
and yet had a message for the new India that was emerging.
His teachings of ‘Jato mat tato path, As many faiths
so many paths’ and ‘Jiva is Shiva’ not only showed the validity
of all faiths and spiritual humanism, but also took cognizance
of the individuality and freedom of man. He rescued religion
from the trammels of tenet and dogma, rite and liturgy. During
Sri Ramakrishna’s lifetime his devotees came mostly from the
same classes from which the Brahmos also sprang. But while
the Brahmo movement remained primarily an elitist movement,
the Ramakrishna-Vivekananda movement overstepped bourgeois
limits. The way Ramakrishna lived and the language he spoke
were closer to the masses than to the elite. As years rolled
by, his impact widened and deepened. Apart from the writings
of the Brahmos, two remarkable books were written by Ramakrishna’s
disciples in the 1880s. These were Sri Sri Ramakrishna
Paramahamsadeber Jiban Vrittanta by Ramchandra Datta and
Paramahamsa Srimad Ramakrishner Upadesh by Sureshchandra
Datta. Vivekananda’s Chicago success (1893) and his subsequent
activities, the work of his colleagues and writings of scholars
like C H Tawney (1896), Max Mueller (1896), M (1902-32), Romain
Rolland (1929) and many others gave currency to Ramakrishna’s
sublime ideas within and outside India. (37) As a near-contemporary
eyewitness, Prof Tawney wrote that ‘There can be no doubt
that he [Ramakrishna] has exercised a potent influence over
the minds of the young men trained in our Bengal colleges,
and his teaching must count for an important factor in the
present movement, which it is the fashion to call the Hindu
revival.’ (38) In this connection, mention should be made
of the voluminous writings of Vivekananda, Abhedananda, Saradananda
and others towards the dissemination of Sri Ramakrishna’s
ideas. How his ideas developed into a movement after his demise
is an interesting and important chapter in the cultural history
of modern India.
Life of Sri Ramakrishna (Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama,
1983), 88 ff. Originally published in 1924 with a Foreword
by Gandhiji, this biography is compiled from authentic sources
under the direction of some direct disciples of Ramakrishna
Swami Nirvedananda, Sri Ramakrishna and Spiritual Renaissance
(Calcutta: Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1978),
Life of Sri Ramakrishna, 121-6.
Christopher Isherwood, Ramakrishna and His Disciples
(Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 1986), 192-3.
Indian Mirror, 28 March 1875. Reprinted in Nanda Mookerjee,
Sri Ramakrishna in the Eyes of Brahma and Christian Admirers
(Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1976), 2. It was the first press
report on Ramakrishna.
Pratap Chandra Mozoomdar, The Life and Teachings of Keshub
Chander Sen (Calcutta: Navavidhan Publications, 1887),
Vijaykrishna Goswami, Brahmo Samajer Bartaman Abastha ebang
Amar Jibane Brahmo Samajer Parikshita Bishay (Calcutta: Navavidhan
Romain Rolland, The Life of Ramakrishna (Calcutta:
Advaita Ashrama, 1954), 170-1 ff.
Brajendranath Seal, ‘Presidential Address’ in The Religions
of the World, 2 vols. (Calcutta: Ramakrishna Mission Institute
of Culture, 1938), 1.111-3.
Vedanta Kesari (Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math), August
‘Keshabjanani Devi Saradasundarir Atmakatha’, ed. Yogendralal
Khastagir, as in Samasamayik Drishtite Sri Ramakrishna
Paramahamsa, ed. Brajendranath Bandyopadhyay and Sajanikanta
Das (Calcutta: General Printers & Publishers, 1375 BS),
Jiban Bandyopadhyay, ‘Sri Ramakrishna o Bharatiya Nabajagaran’
in Bishwachetanay Sri Ramakrishna, ed. Swami Prameyananda,
Naliniranjan Chattopadhyay and Swami Chaitanyananda (Calcutta:
Udbodhan Office, 1987), 83.
Shivanath Sastri, ‘Atmacharit’ as in Samasamayik Drishtite,
Samasamayik Drishtite, passim; also Sri Ramakrishna in the
Eyes of Brahma and Christian Admirers, passim.
Samasamayik Drishtite, 25.
Bishvavani (Calcutta: Ramakrishna Vedanta Math, 1379
The Englishman, 20 August 1886, as in Sri Ramakrishna in the
Eyes of Brahma and Christian Admirers, 134.
Sulabh Samachar, 3 Paush 1288 BS, as in Samasamayik Drishtite,
The view that Ramakrishna met Bankimchandra Chatterjee, the
great Bengali novelist, on the basis of M’s note in the Kathamrita
(vol. 5, Appendix), has been questioned by Gopalchandra Roy
in his ‘Addition’ in Bankimchandra: Jiban o Sahitya
(Calcutta: Dey’s Publishing, 1981), 38-70 and also in Sri
Ramakrishna, Bankimchandra o Sri ‘Ma’ (Calcutta: Pustak
Bipani, 1988). The latter was written as a reply to Swami
Hiranmayananda’s article in Udbodhan, Kartik 1394 BS.
Vivekananda told it to Haripada Mitra as mentioned in Bishwa-Bibek,
ed. Asit Kumar Bandyopadhyay, Sankari Prasad Basu and Sankar
(Calcutta: Bak Sahitya, 1963), 47.
Sri ‘Ma’, Sri Sri Ramakrishna Kathamrita (Calcutta:
Reflect Publications, 1983), 43-5, 60, 922.
A contemporary document as quoted in Dhurjati Prasad Mukherjee,
Modern Indian Culture (Bombay, 1948), 28. See Charles
H Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform
(New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1964), 44-5.
Gandhiji’s ‘Foreword’ to Life of Sri Ramakrishna.
Pratap Chandra Mozoomdar, ‘The Hindu Saint’ in The Theistic
Quarterly Review, 1879, 323-9, as in Samasamayik Drishtite,
Sophia, October 1897, 9-11.
Modern Indian Culture, 28.
For detailed biographies of Ramakrishna’s monastic and lay
disciples, see Swami Gambhirananda, Sri Ramakrishna Bhaktamalika,
2 vols. (Calcutta: Udbodhan Office, 1955); Swami Chetanananda,
God Lived with Them (Kolkata: Advaita Ashrama, 2001);
and Swami Chetanananda, They Lived with God (Calcutta:
Advaita Ashrama, 1993).
In Bengal the traditional fourfold caste structure - brahmin,
kshatriya, vaishya and shudra - was not prominent.
Life of Sri Ramakrishna, 203-4.
Ibid., 275, 452-4.
Ramchandra Datta, Sri Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsadeber
Jiban Brittanta (Calcutta: Ramakrishna Yogodyan, 1357
Life of Sri Ramakrishna, 425, 450-1.
Sumit Sarkar, The Kathamrita as a Text: Towards an Understanding
of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (New Delhi, 1985), 106 (in cyclostyle).
For details see Jayasree Mukherjee, The Ramakrishna-Vivekananda
Movement: Impact on Indian Society and Politics (1893-1922)
(Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1997), chapter 6.
Haridas Mukherjee, ‘Sri Ramakrishna as a World Figure’ in
Bulletin (Calcutta: Ramakrishna Mission Institute of
Culture), February 1987, 37-55. See also his article in Bishvachetanay
Sri Ramakrishna, 716-37.
C H Tawney, ‘A Modern Hindu Saint’ in Sri Ramakrishna in the
Eyes of Brahma and Christian Admirers, 37.